LOCAL PALESTINIAN ELECTIONS SEEN AS GAUGE OF LEADERSHIP’S SWAY By Ken EllingwoodLos Angeles Times Kalkilya, West Bank Amid colorful campaign banners and blaringcar horns, Palestinians throughout the West Bank and Gaza Stripvoted Thursday in municipal elections seen as a bellwether for thenew Palestinian leadership’s prospects in parliamentary ballotingthis summer. At stake were 84 local councils and […]
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LOCAL PALESTINIAN ELECTIONS SEEN AS GAUGE OF LEADERSHIP’S SWAY
By Ken Ellingwood
Los Angeles Times
Kalkilya, West Bank Amid colorful campaign banners and blaring
car horns, Palestinians throughout the West Bank and Gaza Strip
voted Thursday in municipal elections seen as a bellwether for the
new Palestinian leadership’s prospects in parliamentary balloting
this summer.
At stake were 84 local councils and races focused primarily on
hometown issues such as roads, schools and sewage.
But the vote tallies were sure to be read as a sign of the relative
strength of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’ Fatah
organization and of the Islamic group Hamas, which did well in two
earlier rounds of local balloting and plans to field candidates in
the parliamentary elections in July.
Official counts were to be announced Sunday. Firas Yagi, executive
director of the Palestinian local elections commission, told Voice
of Palestine radio station today that Fatah appeared to have won in
slightly more than half of the communities and Hamas in a third of
them.
The Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research conducted an
exit poll in the 14 largest municipalities voting that showed Fatah
winning council majorities in six and Hamas in two, with the others
split or dominated by other parties.
“The results will be an indication of who supports” Abbas’
government, said Ali Issam Nazzal, a 32-year-old insurance agent in
Kalkilya who cast his vote for Fatah, one of three slates on the
ballot here.
“I’m supporting a bloc that supports Abu Mazen and the Palestinian
government,” he said, referring to Abbas by his nickname. “I’m also
looking for [local] services, but mainly my message is a political
message.”
Kalkilya, with 46,000 residents, was the biggest of 76 West Bank
communities electing local leaders Thursday. In the Gaza Strip,
residents voted in eight communities, including Rafah, an
impoverished city of 187,000 that has seen frequent clashes between
Palestinian militants and Israeli troops in more than four years of
fighting.
“All the people here hope that the current faces on these councils
will be changed,” said Midhat abu Khaled, a 30-year-old Hamas
supporter in Rafah. He said a victory by the Hamas bloc would
“change the structure of the municipality.”
Voting overall was reported to be generally smooth, with turnout
topping 80% in some areas.
Analysts cautioned against reading the municipal results too
broadly, noting that family ties and personal reputation were more
likely than party labels to swing local contests. In Kalkilya, for
example, four major families were represented; one of them, the
Nazzal clan, boasted nine candidates across all three slates.
“The local elections are primarily service elections. They are not
primarily a measure of the popularity of Abu Mazen or Hamas,” said
Muhannad Abdel Hamid, a columnist for Al Ayyam, a newspaper
affiliated with Fatah.
Still, activists on all sides viewed the votes as an important
dress rehearsal for the July 17 parliamentary contest.
In Kalkilya, honking taxis bristled with party flags yellow for
Fatah, green for Hamas while boys in baseball caps passed out
campaign leaflets at the entrances to polling stations.
It has been a heady season for Palestinians, who see such
electioneering as a sign of democracy in the making. In addition to
two previous rounds of municipal voting the first since the 1970s
voters swept Abbas into office by a wide margin during a
presidential election in January.
“It is very exciting. We are feeling that there is democracy,” said
Talal Awinat, a 45-year-old math teacher supervising a polling
station in Kalkilya.
The local elections are the first step into electoral politics for
Hamas, whose military wing has carried out dozens of suicide
bombings and other attacks against Israelis since the outbreak of
violence in 2000.
Hamas’ network of social services has gained the group a fervent
following, especially among the poorest Palestinians in Gaza Strip
refugee camps.
Hamas is emerging as the main challenger to Fatah, which was formed
by Yasser Arafat and has dominated Palestinian politics for
decades. Hamas candidates have played up religion and portrayed
themselves as an antidote to the corruption and cronyism that
flourished in the Palestinian Authority under Arafat, who died in
November.
“The important thing is to get Fatah out,” said Issa Safiri, a
vegetable vendor in Kalkilya.
Safiri, 45, said Abbas had failed to improve the lives of ordinary
Palestinians during nearly four months in office, though he added
that restrictions imposed by Israel had not helped.
Kalkilya is nearly enclosed by a series of Israeli-built fences and
a 25-foot-high concrete wall, and residents say the barrier has
made their economy wither. Israel says the barrier, part of a huge
divider in and around the West Bank, has kept suicide bombers out
of Israel.
Safiri, who voted for Hamas and independent candidates, said the
divider has cut his family off from four acres of farmland.
But some voters expressed worry that Hamas would impose a social
code that would be overly rigid. A 33-year-old farmer, Mohammed
Bakr Nazzal, said he was turned off by a Hamas suggestion to open
the local zoo to men and women on separate days.
“This kind of idea harms the social fabric,” he said. “It’s too
extreme. It’s not even realistic.”
GAZA WITHDRAWAL REQUIRES SOLID LEADERSHIP AND GUIDANCE
By Rafi Dajani and Daniel Levy
Detroit Free Press, Opinion
As America busies itself with the first 100 days of the second Bush
administration, Israelis and Palestinians are engaged with marking
two other 100-day yardsticks that may define their respective
futures. We have just marked the first 100 days of President
Mahmoud Abbas, and are fast approaching 100 days to the Israeli
withdrawal from Gaza.
At this critical juncture, the majority of Israelis and
Palestinians may finally be realizing that they sink or swim
together. For the Abbas government and the Gaza withdrawal both to
succeed would be good news for Israelis and Palestinians alike, as
well as for the United States.
Abbas represents pragmatism, reform and the inadmissibility of the
use of violence. A complete Gaza withdrawal represents hope for
both peoples, and a long overdue Israeli recognition that only
leaving the occupied Palestinian territories can guarantee Israel’s
future as a Jewish and democratic nation, and end the situation
whereby the settler tail has been wagging the dog.
But the success of both will require heavy lifting by the United
States.
Following his internationally monitored election victory, Abbas has
fulfilled several key requirements of both the road map and the
Sharm el-Sheik understandings.
He has begun consolidating the Palestinian Authority security
services, replaced the leadership of the security branches with
younger, professional heads, as well as retiring 1,150 senior
personnel.
Most significantly Abbas has ended the intifada, something Israel
was unable to do for over four years despite deploying its
considerable military force. He has pursued an unequivocal platform
of renouncing violence and embracing the political process as the
only way Palestinians will achieve nationhood. Progress on internal
reform and combating corruption has proceeded too, albeit at a
slower pace, in the face of entrenched opposition.
Israel’s response can at best be described as “wait and see.” By
adopting this default position, Israeli actions serve to undermine
Abbas with his own public, and to strengthen the position of
Palestinian militant groups. This makes Palestinian Authority
security reform more difficult and increases the prospects of an
opposition victory in upcoming Palestinian legislative elections, a
victory that would seriously challenge Abbas’ political platform.
As the party with the most control over the daily lives of ordinary
Palestinians, there is much more Israel can do without compromising
its security in any way. These steps include freezing settlement
activity, the release of Palestinian prisoners held without charge
or trial and the removal of the numerous West Bank checkpoints that
serve only to cripple Palestinian social, educational and economic
life and generate hostility.
To realize the viable two-nation solution that Israelis,
Palestinians and Americans have all apparently signed up for, there
will need to be an empowered Palestinian partner and an end to
creating facts on the ground, mainly settlement expansion, that
negatively prejudice this desired outcome.
The interests of the parties can coincide. This will mean all
sides, America included, delivering on their commitments.
The importance of the Gaza withdrawal should not be minimized, but
there is an urgency to Israel implementing its commitments to
improve daily Palestinian life and cease creating new obstacles on
the ground.
This is critical in demonstrating to Palestinians that their
president and his way can deliver for them. It would legitimatize
his platform of negotiations and reform as the road to independence
and freedom. Equally important, it would minimize the resonance of
militant claims that Israel is withdrawing from Gaza because of
violent resistance.
The consequences of the failure of Abbas’ presidency include the
very real possibility of a return to violence and a third intifada.
Even more ominous are implications for both Palestinian and Mideast
moderates; that their method of negotiation, engagement in a
political process and the shunning of violence is fruitless.
For the United States, a successful peace process and Palestinian
nation will remove the major irritant in relations with the Arab
and Muslim worlds, eliminate the major recruiting tool for
extremists and greatly increase prospects of democratization in the
Middle East.
According to polls, a viable and contiguous Palestinian nation that
meets the national aspirations of the Palestinian people, alongside
a secure and recognized Israel that remains demographically Jewish,
is a goal shared by the majority of Israelis and Palestinians.
The Geneva Initiative gave an example of how this might be
achieved. If Israel leaves Gaza in 100 days, it might be the
beginning, not the end, of a process leading to real peace
negotiations and the end of both occupation and conflict.
This will require the active resumption of American leadership in
Mideast peace-making.
Israelis, Palestinians, and yes, Americans, deserve no less.
Rafi Dajani is executive director of the Washington, D.C.-based
American Task Force on Palestine. Daniel Levy is lead drafter of
the Geneva Initiative and former Israeli negotiator and adviser in
the Prime Minister’s Office.
FATAH FENDS OFF BIG HAMAS GAINS IN PALESTINIAN POLL
By Harvey Morris
Financial Times (UK)
Beit Jala, West Bank – Mahmoud Abbass ruling Fatah movement
managed to fend off big gains from Hamas in Palestinian municipal
elections, despite a strong showing by the Islamic militant group,
unofficial final results showed on Friday.
The Palestinian Election Committee said Fatah won control of 52 of
84 municipal councils across the West Bank and Gaza Strip, to 24
for Hamas. Smaller factions took four councils, with four
municipalities undecided.
An election official said, with 60 per cent of the ballots counted
in the two territories, Fatah candidates won 60 per cent of the
votes. Official results are expected on Sunday, but Fatah activists
already took to the streets of Gaza on Thursday to celebrate.
Hamas, which made inroads in several key population centres,
disputed the figures and said it was not ready to concede defeat in
the local elections that have provided a dress rehearsal for a
parliamentary poll this summer.
Hamas had been expected to make more gains against Fatah after an
earlier round of municipal elections in January saw the Islamists
gain control of a majority of the municipal councils they
contested.
Political analysts attributed Hamas’s gains in January to a
widespread protest vote against Fatah, a party identified with
corruption and inefficiency in the Palestinian Authority during the
lifetime of its former leader, the late Yassir Arafat.
In February Hamas signed up to a ceasefire with Israel, brokered by
Mahmoud Abbas, Mr Arafat’s successor as PA president. It will be
standing in national elections for the first time when Palestinians
vote for a new parliament on July 17.